![]() This neighborhood also stands out from the other Chinese neighborhoods in its socioeconomic makeup.Īll Chinese neighborhoods in New York have median incomes below the city’s average. It had a smaller shift rightward in the last governor’s election, and it remained more Democratic. Manhattan’s Chinatown differs from the satellite Chinatowns in Brooklyn and Queens. In April 2019, community organizations representing several Asian American groups held a rally at Queens Borough Hall to oppose proposed changes to specialized high school admissions. After the proposal was announced, protests sprung up in Sunset Park, Flushing and City Hall Park, which is near Manhattan’s Chinatown. Offers to Asian students, who make up a majority in the schools, would have dropped by about half under the plan.įor years, many of these schools’ students have been from low-income Chinese immigrant families, a group that is generally concentrated in the city’s Chinatowns. ![]() The proposal would have changed the admissions process for the city’s elite public high schools, in order to increase the number of Black and Latino students. The Asian population in New York extends much farther than the predominantly Asian precincts in these maps.Ĭommunity organization leaders pointed to a 2018 proposal by then-Mayor Bill de Blasio, a Democrat, as a political awakening moment for some Chinese Americans in the city. In Flushing and Bayside in Queens, Republican support increased by 22 percentage points. Hochul narrowly defeated Lee Zeldin, the Republican candidate, in a contest in which the Republican vote increased in all but 1 percent of the city’s more than 4,000 precincts.įrom 2018 to 2022, the Republican share of the vote increased by 27 percentage points in the rapidly growing satellite Chinatowns in Brooklyn, the biggest change in any Asian neighborhood. Like in much of the city, the red shifts were consistent across predominantly Asian neighborhoods. “The only possible way for a shift of a community like this is when that community has largely been ignored by both parties,” said John Park, the executive director of MinKwon Center for Community Action, a nonprofit serving Korean and Chinese immigrants in Flushing, Queens. They added that Republicans have also benefited from residents’ sense of being overlooked by Democratic leaders and that Republicans’ tough-on-crime stance attracted voters after increased anti-Asian violence. In recent years, they said, Republican candidates have increased their presence in Asian neighborhoods. The Times interviewed more than 20 community organization leaders, scholars and local politicians who serve or study Asian immigrants and Asian Americans in New York. Others, like Manhattan’s Chinatown and Queens’s Richmond Hill, remained solidly Democratic despite an increase in Republican votes. Some Asian neighborhoods, like Chinese enclaves in Sunset Park and Bensonhurst in Brooklyn, had shifts so big that they flipped to support a Republican candidate for governor for the first time in at least a decade. Census Bureau and New York City Board of Elections He and the Democratic nominee, Richard Cordray, a former state attorney general, were both conventional, experienced politicians familiar to Ohioans.Source: New York Times analysis of data from the U.S. Mike DeWine, the Republican nominee and a former representative and senator, won the election, with a campaign that focused on support for law enforcement and calls for expanded job training. John Kasich, a Republican who couldn’t run again because of term limits, but ultimately failed to do so. This year, Democrats had a chance to regain power in state government after eight years under Gov. His Republican opponent, Representative Jim Renacci, ran on a conservative platform that called for restricting abortion, preventing illegal immigration and supporting gun rights.īut Republicans were able to defend an open governor’s seat. Senator Sherrod Brown, the Democratic incumbent, was successful in his re-election bid. It did a little bit of just that this year. ![]() President Trump carried Ohio by eight percentage points in 2016, but the state is known for swinging from one party to the other.
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